The Prime Minister of Kosova has already been profiled as a responsible and dedicated leader in building a political environment that breathes in full accordance with the ideas of modern social democracy. The complete opposite can be said about the Serbian leader, Aleksander Vučić; he has already built his profile as an autocrat.
In the new geopolitical realignment, what position will Washington and Brussels take: for the protection of democracy and the Republic of Kosova or for Serbian expansionist authoritarianism?
In this complicated context, it seems that Western diplomacy has already failed. The emergency visit to the director of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), William Burns, was in order to prevent a slide towards the war designed by Serbia and supported by Putin. The time for balancing the interests of protecting the integrity of Kosovo and confronting Serbian expansionism, while maintaining pragmatism, is coming to an end.
The “reasonable” use of freedom as a philosophy of life
Anarchy in the classical sense of the word means the existence of a system, where any kind of hierarchy is not tolerated and therefore fought.
The term anarchism is derived from the union of the Greek word ἀναρχία (anarchy) and the suffix ισμός or ισμα (ismos or izma). Anarchy (ἄναρχος, anarkos), meaning “without a ruler” – from the negative prefix ἀν (an meaning “without”) and ἀρχός (arkos meaning “leader”, “ruler”). From this we understand that anarchism has nothing to do with violence and chaos, as is often trumpeted in public discourse, but is a political philosophy that strives to create a world without rulers, i.e. without hierarchy, and a completely equal society…
In Albanian customary law, this equality is taxatively codified, especially when dealing with criminal offenses…
The freedom of the other is inviolable.
Today, this concept also means the definitions that this right carries in itself. It, that is, FREEDOM, appears to us as voluntary self-restraint and self-restraint and consideration for the weak, minorities and excluded.
For parts of the middle class, with higher education, the “reasonable” use of freedom is a philosophy of life: freedom as a reflection of necessity.
If we combine this modern concept with the Albanian virtues that have survived every ideology and every system – dedication, thirst for knowledge, the model of the teacher, loyalty to the principles – the return to identity, even in the way of living, becomes almost defining style , a Biedermeier of the era that will remake Albania.
Achieving this goal requires the joining of positive energies of the Nation.
The elections of February 9, 2025 for the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, are also a trial test in this historical march.
The four years that we are leaving behind clearly proved the role that Kosova has in this historic mission. The establishment and preservation of democracy, the rule of law and justice as a postulate of liberal democracy, land with economic development and prosperity – these are the central points that will give the Government of VV [Vetëvendosje Movement – the political party that leads the government of the Republic of Kosovo] the new victory on February 9, 2025.
The deep victory of VV on February 9, 2025 will significantly contribute to the deepening of the Nation’s historical turnaround. Then the return to full identity will begin, even in the way of living, it will become almost defining the century of the Albanians – a Biedermeier of the era that will remake the Albanians and Albania.
In this pre-campaign and throughout the official campaign, if the progressive nationalists, as I currently want to call the Albanian social democrats, should clearly address the anger and polarization in Kosovo and in the Albanian space, emphasizing the role that VV’s next convincing victory will have for the perspective of Freedom and its expansion. They, making it clear to every citizen what has brought us to this unstable historical situation: about 70 percent of Albanians already believe that the leadership of the opposition in Kosovo and the political leadership of political Albania do not care at all about the lives of citizens ordinary Albanians, therefore they think that this group of politicians cannot significantly influence the dynamics that determine their lives and that of the Republic, therefore the economic development and the fate of the north of Kosovo is precisely related to the result of these elections.
This fact is a clear signal for the intervention of the compliant growth policy of the economy in the meantime, injecting into the purchasing power of the citizen, which means the increase of wages in vital sectors.
This step in the sphere of social policies and the distribution of material goods should continue with the maintenance of low unemployment figures, the stable growth of employment along with the economic growth – these four years of VV’s government that prove significant success in these areas according to the standards of the time. However, inflation plays such a big role for the electorate that most people don’t think much of the prime minister’s economic policy. Many voters experience rising prices as an attack on their power to legitimately bleed for progress or to maintain the standard of living they have achieved in the meantime. Therefore, the topic of economy and well-being should occupy a good place in the campaign, clearly explaining the near perspective of the Republic in this area.
Who dared to take Kosova out of Serbia?
In foreign policy, the government’s achievements are evident, but very little displayed. It is very important to emphasize the position of Kosova, not only in the dialogue with Serbia, but first of all the image it has today in the field of international relations.
The Republic of Kosova is the first time in its modern history that it cultivates healthy relations of reciprocity in the relations with our partners, but also with the neighbors, therefore also with Serbia. This report is built on the principle of reciprocity, which has been the cornerstone of modern interstate relations since the Congress of Westphalia. These relations are subject to state interest, state reason.
Our real friends, those who helped Kosova during the war and are still supporting it today in the process of state building and full functioning of the Republic, especially in the field of security and relations with Serbia, are those who have established and cultivated these relations following also consider their national interests. These interests, over time, can even change position. The history of our relations with Great Britain best explains this phenomenon, respectively this possible oscillation.
Meanwhile, Kosova is recognized by 117 countries, members of the UN. In the process of dialogue with Serbia, treated badly by the EU, but also by the political leadership until 2020, Kosova has gradually turned into an internal issue of Serbia!
In the current vocabulary of our opposition and the media that are serving it as a broken speaker, this irrational and anti-historical position has gained some kind of support even from the decision-making centers!
In the meantime, “whoever dares to take Kosova out of Serbia, where he assigned its place on February 17, 2008, is demonized, blackmailed and declared nothing less than anti-American”[1] rightly states the well-known publicist from Skopje, Emin Azemi.
This type of non-existent anti-Americanism, which serves for internal consumption and atypical deception of opinion, is surprisingly not tested in Washington, but in Belgrade (!)” concludes publicist Azemi rightly.[2]
Opinion urgently needs our media, progressive nationalist intellectuals, to shed light on how this discourse was created, who are the ones who initiated and are continuing to feed this discourse?
This phenomenon must be clearly explained, especially in this pre-field period.
Exhaustive explanations regarding this phenomenon will help the public to better understand the source of this discourse and the reasons why it is fed so much and so naively by our opposition, but also by a neighborhood of former KLA commanders, from the political level and intellectual are very ignorant.
Until then, the public will learn that relations with Washington cannot be built and settled by constantly making concessions to Serbia.
These behaviors of the opposition and a section of the media in Kosova, coincide with those of the political leadership of political Albania in relation to Serbia [competing for participation in the Open Balkans yesterday, declaring the north in Nimansland on the eve of Serbia’s action for annexation of the north on September 23, 2023, keeping silent when it is necessary to speak and position himself clearly in favor of the national interest, as is the case now when the opening of the Uërs e Ibri has become the object of discussion and even diplomatic conflict…] have turned Vucic into a kind of factor inflated political in the Balkans, respectively in a geopolitical poker of its own kind.
When geoeconomy is put at the service of national interests
The ruler of Serbia, through this “restoration” of Serbia’s influence in regional geopolitics, clearly claims to reduce the weight of our two republics and the Albanian nation as a whole. However, it remains for the Balkans more and more as a permanent danger.
Vucic, credible observers suspect, is playing for time. He hopes that the international community, first of all the Perednimi, after the bloody return of Donald Trump to the White House, also from a number of other European authoritarians, will forgive him for his behavior in relation to Putin and the generally dubious attitude of Serbia between East and West.
The repression that he is currently doing to the opposition, above all to the organizers of protests related to Lithium – human rights organizations speak of state terror – has one objective: to eliminate the opposition and will suppress any resistance, with the idea that only in this way can take the next step for the realization of the ambitious Serbian project – Serbian World.
For the realization of this objective in the easiest possible way, he needs other partners in Kosova.
Here we must look for the basic reasons for the distorted discourse of our opposition at this beginning of the pre-campaign and the banal accusations of any of its leaders in relation to the prime minister and his figure.
According to experts, the head of the Russian state, Vladimir Putin, is worried about the new movements of the Serbian leadership in relation to the West. The spokeswoman for Russian diplomacy, Maria Zaharova, long ago declared that “Perednimi is preparing the destabilization of Serbia”[3] in order to influence the internal political life in Serbia, concluding that the protests in Serbia are being instigated by Perednimi against the current Serbian leadership! This statement came after reaching the agreement that Serbia made with the European Union and the multinational company Rio Tinto for the exploitation of lithium.
Meanwhile, CIA director William Burns made a surprise visit to the region, starting with the one in Sarajevo [on August 20], which caused a lot of public attention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond. During his short stay, Burns met with political leaders and key intelligence officials, including three members of the BiH Presidency, the director of the BiH Intelligence and Security Agency (OSA), Almir Džuva, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Elmedin Konakovic.
Although details of the talks were not officially released, local media, citing unnamed sources, report that the topics of the meetings included security threats in Bosnia and the wider situation in the country. Konakovic said that they talked about important topics such as accession to NATO in the near future and European integration, stressing that Burns’ visit confirms the seriousness with which the American administration deals with the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[4]
Denis Bećirović, a member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, noted on his Facebook profile that in his conversation with Burns, he argued the danger posed by the “anti-Dayton policy of the leadership of the entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina RS”, which according to him threatens peace and stability not only in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also in the region.[5]
Furthermore, CIA Director William Burns continued his visit to Belgrade on Wednesday, where he met Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. The latter one day later, on August 22, went to an “audience” with the “Pope”, alias the Russian ambassador in Belgrade, Aleksandr Botsan-Kharchenko, with whom, as he said, he talked about the situation in Kosovo and the possibility of “opening by force” of the bridge over the river Ibër.[6]
Meanwhile, on Thursday and Friday [August 22 and 23], the director of the CIA, William Burns, was in Pristina, whereupon he first met the President of the Republic, Dr. Vjosa Osmanin, together with the director of the KIA, Petrit Ajeti. Meanwhile, on Friday, there was a meeting for about an hour with the Prime Minister of the Republic, Albin Kurti.
Let’s remember that Prime Minister Kurti was in the United States of America this week, where at the invitation of the National Democratic Institute, he accompanied the National Assembly of the Democratic Party.
This visit of the high American official in the region followed at this time, when the failure of Western diplomacy to stop the Serbian expansion became evident. And, when diplomacy fails, it is known, it is the turn of the Intelligence chiefs; the generals are the third instance for action.
Will this visit by the director of the CIA, William Burns, be able to stop the outbreak of the announced war in Bosnia and the possibility of its flames spreading to the north of Kosova in the late autumn, remains to be seen.
But one thing is more than certain, if the generals are forced to intervene, then the political map of the Balkans will undergo significant changes.
The “geopolitical joker” named Vučić, as well as his levers in Banjalluk and Podgorica, seems that through this flash visit, they will have mastered well, even for a few minutes, the theory of knowledge and perception of reality, about which Plato had lectured in the VII book of his “Republic”.
If they have not assimilated it properly, with the idea of conceptualizing it more clearly in the fall, on the battlefield, then it would be expected that the confrontation between the “geopolitical joker” – Aleksandar Vučić and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, respectively the confrontation between our two nations – the Albanian and the Serbian, will have a completely different epilogue than the one in 1999. Only then will the “geopolitical joker” Vučić understand that the Platform for the creation of the “Serbian World” was a product of the Serbian Church for a long time tall has saddled her flock with illusions.
Aleksandar Vučić as a “geopolitical joker” of the West and the East
The revival of the exploitation of the lithium mine in Serbia has revived the devils of all colors: it has provoked anger among the residents of the area and not only there, environmental activists and ordinary citizens, but meanwhile it is turning into a kind of casus belli in the hands of Putin . Its return as a political topic with strong geostrategic connotations that contradicts the West’s efforts to withdraw Serbia from Russia’s orbits has reignited blood everywhere.
Geoffrey R. Pyatt, the US assistant secretary of state for energy resources, days ago, writes NT ” hailed the Serbian lithium project on social media as “an opportunity to contribute to the green transition at home and abroad”. [7]
The protests, despite the fact that the Russian Intelligence had misinformed the Serbian leader in relation to the real instigators
their own, the participation of a number of political forces known as pro-Russian… speak more for the fact that they are organized and enjoy the support of the Russian Federation. Finally, in this political momentum, they are at the service of Russian policies and strategy for the long-term assurance of the Russian presence in the Balkans. As such, they aim to weaken the American presence in the region and aim to weaken the US hegemony in the process of building a multipolar world order, completely in line with Putin’s geopolitical agenda.
Serbia, using the authoritarian axes within the EU [Hungary, Slovakia…] has managed to impose a change in Brussels’ discourse in relation to Kosovo and even, even after the aggressive act of September 24, 2023, to keep in force EU sanctions against Kosova!
These geopolitical alliances with countries whose immediate strategic priorities lie in cultivating relations with Russia, weakening the Republic of Kosova, have the objective of weakening the American presence in the region.
Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic has been seen by some analysts as a kind of “geopolitical wildcard” for the Balkan region due to his ability to maneuver between major powers and maintain a balance between Serbia’s interests and external influences. Below are some reasons why he is considered such:
1. Balancing East and West: Vucic has followed a dual policy, maintaining close ties with Russia and China, while at the same time aiming for Serbia’s membership in the European Union. This approach allows Serbia to benefit from both sides, strengthening its strategic position in the region.
2. Dialogue with Kosovo: As a leading actor in the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, Vučić is a key figure for the resolution of the long conflict. His ability to negotiate with international mediators and hold strong positions at the negotiating table makes him an important player.
This position has been strengthened even more by the attitude of the opposition in Kosova and that of the leadership in Tirana!
3. Influence in the Region: Vučić has built close relationships with the leaders of other countries in the Balkans, including Bosnia, Montenegro and North Macedonia and even with political Albania. This network of influence gives Serbia an important role in regional politics and in the stability of the Western Balkans.
4. Manipulation of public opinion: Vucic is known for using media power and propaganda to influence public opinion at home and abroad. He has built an image of himself as a stable and stabilizing leader, projecting a strong figure both in the region and on the international stage.
5. Maneuvering in international crises: Vucic has shown the ability to maneuver in international crises, exploiting global tensions for political gain. For example, he maintained good relations with Russia during the war in Ukraine, providing political and military support, but at the same time he maintained good relations with the West.
As a result of these factors, Vucic has been seen as a “geopolitical wild card” that can significantly influence developments in the Balkans and beyond, giving Serbia strategic importance to major international powers.
Consequently, the legitimate question is asked whether Western diplomacy is being realigned: for the defense of the Republic of Kosova, that is, for Albin Kurti, or for the Serbian authoritarianism that is identified with President Vučić, respectively for the “Serbian World” that means Serbian expansion and the revision of the political map of the Balkans?
The delicate and complex position of Western diplomacy
Western diplomacy even before the outbreak of the war in Ukraine was divided in two in relation to the future of the Western Balkans, while now it is in an even more delicate and complex position in relation to the developments in this part of the old continent, especially in the relation its with Kosovo and Serbia. Currently, there seems to be a mixed shift that is influenced by several factors, creating tension between support for the integrity of Kosova and maintaining stability in the region, which the West often associates with good relations with Serbia.
Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina are also a permanent powder keg that only needs the smallest spark to explode. All the countries of the region are arming themselves, more or less transparently, urgently. Serbia is far ahead in this plan [thanks to the generosity and geopolitical interests of Russia and China].
France, Germany and the US are preparing their Balkan allies: Croatia, Montenegro, Albania and North Macedonia for war through bilateral and NATO programs.
In this context, the visit of the director of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), William Burns, to the region proved that Serbia’s position of “neutrality” is no longer enough. Not only for its neighbors, but not even for the USA and the EU.
However, the visit of the director of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), William Burns, to the region proved that Serbia’s position of “neutrality” is no longer enough. Not only for its neighbors, but not even for the USA and the EU.
Here are some aspects of this diplomatic realignment:
1. Defense of the Republic of Kosova and support for Albin Kurti
• The West [US and EU] in reality since the declaration of Kosova’s independence [February 17, 2008], a neighborhood of states within the sphere of the West more prominently, have been supportive of Kosovo’s independence and sovereignty. However, in certain periods, a neighborhood of Sosh, had vacillations and leaned sometimes secretly and sometimes secretly, in favor of the Serbian idea for the division of Kosovo. Within a period of time from 2015 to 2020, when the former Kosovas president Hashim Thaçi was arrested, even while he was traveling to Washington, to the White House, precisely to sign this type of agreement that threatened the division of Kosova, as he also claims former advisor to former President Donald Trump, former National Security Advisor of the White House, John Bolton.
Bolton somehow admits that he has been informed about this issue, which he said was the idea of the presidents of Kosova and Serbia, namely Hashim Thaçi and Aleksandër Vucic, although he did not mention names.[8]
• Recently, there have been tensions in the relations between Albin Kurti’s government and some Western factors, due to Kurti’s approach in relation to Serbia and the dialogue mediated by the EU.
• Kurti has asked for a dialogue where Serbia must recognize Kosovo as an independent state before any concessions, a position that some Western diplomats have considered as unwavering and complicated for the process of normalizing relations.
In fact, Serbia’s sabotage of the Brussels Agreement [2023], which was essentially a by- product of the Franco-German agreement, which excluded de jure mutual recognition, made de facto recognition inevitable. It was precisely the fourth point of this agreement, which made Serbia withdraw. However, Serbia was not punished!
But if the autumn brings a marked change in the Western attitude due to the growth of authoritarianism in Serbia, Vucic’s closeness to Moscow or his obstacles in the process of normalizing relations with Kosovo, he may lose his role as the preferred mediator. Tolerance for his diplomatic games may diminish if these factors become clearer and more damaging to Western interests.
• However, support for the integrity of Kosovo remains a red line for most Western countries, and they continue to be against any revision of borders or “separation” of Kosovo, which are positions favored by some circles in Serbia, enjoyed some kind of support separately within the EU.
2. Confrontation with Serbian expansionism and Vucic’s authoritarianism
• Vucic is perceived as a leader who is following an authoritarian approach within Serbia, while at the regional level he has used expansionist and “Greater Serbia” strategies to expand the country’s influence in areas with Serbian populations in Bosnia, Montenegro and Kosovo.
• In general, the West has shown a restrained attitude towards Serbia’s expansionist policies and has tried to engage Vučić as a key partner for stability in the region. For this reason, concessions have often been made to maintain dialogue and avoid destabilization, which has caused frustration in the Kosovo government and its citizens.
• The visit of the director of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), William Burns, to Sarajevo, Belgrade and Pristina signaled that the West is no longer willing to tolerate Vučić’s strategy of keeping tensions at manageable levels for diplomatic gain.
• On the one hand, the West apparently does not support Serbian expansionism and is against changing borders, but on the other hand, it is inclined to maintain stability and avoid open conflicts, thus indirectly favoring Serbia. The creation of the Serbian Republic as a separate entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is de facto a state within a state, even built on the ruins of the Serbian genocide, has increased the appetite of Serbian expansionism that has not closed the graves of the war in Bosnia. Meanwhile, the tolerance of subversive activity towards Montenegro, even as the latter is part of NATO, has created the preconditions for a soft invasion of this small republic on the edge of the Adriatic, which in the meantime creates a good consolation for Serbian expansionism and for the loss of Kosovo, which I treated as a colony for 87 years.
3. The dilemma of stability versus democratic principles
• Part of the Western dilemma is that, while they defend Kosova’s sovereignty and oppose authoritarianism, they claim to be careful not to push Serbia into a stronger alliance with Russia and China. As a result, the West tends to balance the pressure on Vucic with a pragmatism that often takes the color of an open tolerance of his authoritarianism.
• This strategy creates a perception that the West is supporting Vucic at the expense of democratic values and Kosova’s interests, endangering their legitimacy as defenders of democracy in the Western Balkans.
4. Resistance to revision of borders
• The EU and the US continue to be categorically against any border changes in the Balkans, an idea that has been floated in the past as a possible solution to the issue of Kosovo and Bosnia. This attitude is an indirect defense of Kosova’s integrity and an obstacle to Serbia’s expansionist ambitions.
This position seems to have been questioned in the most serious way after the Serbian Grand Assembly, held on June 8, 2024 and the objectives it had approved through the political statement, which de facto is now the Serbian Program.
In this complicated context, it seems that Western diplomacy has already failed. The emergency visit to the director of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), William Burns, was in order to prevent a slide towards the war designed by Serbia and supported by Putin. Now the time for balancing the interests of protecting the integrity of Kosovo and confronting Serbian expansionism, while maintaining a pragmatism, is coming to an end.
The effects of VV’s expected victory
In this complicated context, it seems that Western diplomacy has already failed. The emergency visit to the director of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), William Burns, was in order to prevent a slide towards the war designed by Serbia and supported by Putin. Now the time for balancing the interests of protecting the integrity of Kosovo and confronting Serbian expansionism, while maintaining a pragmatism, is coming to an end.
In these circumstances, if Serbia is forced to settle, or rather not to restart the war within the late autumn, the victory of the Vetëvendosje Movement again on February 9, 2025 and its influence not only within the Albanian space, will produce significant political effects not only within the space Albanian, but also in the region. This victory could have a significant impact on regional dynamics and on Vucic’s image as a “geopolitical wild card”.
Some of the impacts of this victory could be as follows:
1. Strengthening the position in the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue: If VV wins with a strong mandate, which is likely, this would strengthen its position in the dialogue with Serbia, putting pressure for full recognition of Kosovo and its integrity its territorial. A VV-led government has been more demanding of Serbia, putting Vučić in a difficult position to maintain the balance of dialogue and maintain his image as a flexible mediator.
2. Strengthening pro-Western alliances: VV’s victory would strengthen Kosovo’s pro- Western orientation and strengthen support from the EU and the US, weakening Vučić’s influence in the Western Balkans. This could challenge Vucic’s strategy to use his role as a leader who cooperates with East and West to maintain a diplomatic edge in the region.
3. Isolation of Serbia at the regional level: If a Kosovo led by VV follows policies of this nature as it has followed in the mandate that is ending and creates closer alliances with Albania, with Croatia and other countries in the region, Serbia can it is located in a more isolated position. This would weaken Vucic’s position and may limit his capacity to play the role of a “geopolitical wild card” influencing regional developments.
4. Increased international pressure on Serbia: A new strong government in Kosovo will require more support from the international community to push forward its agenda in relation to Serbia. This will increase pressure on Vucic to make concessions in the dialogue, which could damage his strategic position as a leader who exploits tensions for political gain.
5. Impact on the public perception of Vučić: VV’s deep victory and a more aggressive approach towards Serbia could undermine Vučić’s image as a leader who controls the situation in the region. If he is perceived as unable to manage the situation and defend Serbia’s interests in the dialogue with Kosovo, this will further weaken his influence at home and abroad.
Conclusion
If we start from the fact that since the formal end of the war in Kosova, respectively since the capitulation of Serbia, when it was forced to sign the Kumanova agreement [June 9, 1999] and withdraw military and security forces from Kosova, the paradigm of international relations and of war as an interstate military conflict has completely changed.
Serbia’s attempt to annex the north of the Republic of Kosova in September 2023, which both sides can serve as a lesson of its own kind: the war does not mean that it can and will be done only with strategy and tactics conventional weapons, especially not in those areas in which the United States of America inevitably participates and imposes itself.
A VV victory on February 9, 2025 would however seriously challenge Vučić’s role as a key geopolitical figure in the Balkans, putting him in a weaker position to maintain the balance he claims to have maintained until now.
Although Vucic has managed to mock and manipulate Western diplomacy so far, this fall he may face a new reality. A combination of increased pressure, tensions on the ground and strategic changes in the EU and the US could mark the beginning of the end of his role as a “geopolitical wild card” in the Balkans.
The profound victory of VV on February 9, 2025 will significantly contribute to the deepening of the Nation’s historical turnaround. Then the return to full identity will begin, even in the way of living. This return to identity will become almost defining of the century of the Albanians – a Biedermeier of the era that will remake the Albanians and Albania.
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1. https://www.facebook.com/emin.azemi.7
2. Ibd.
3. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YhZcJHdhnmA
4. https://www.geopolitika.news/regije/vucic-je-nedavno-pricao-da-ce-ga-zapadne-sile-pokusati-svrgnuti-sad-ga-je-posjetio-sef-cia-e/
5. Ibd.
6. https://www.evropaelire.org/a/aleksandar-vuciq-ambasadori-rus-kosova-/33088618.html
7. https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/18/world/europe/serbia-lithium-mine.html
8. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=72eTiNCiS9c
